New Zealand’s navy lost its first ship since World War II after the HMNZS Manawanui sank on a reef off the coast of Samoa on Sunday creating a potential environmental disaster in waters used for fishing and tourism.

The specialist dive and hydrographic vessel lost power and ran aground on Saturday evening while conducting a reef survey one nautical mile off the southern coast of the Samoan island of Upolo, according to New Zealand authorities.

By Sunday morning, the vessel was “listing heavily,” the navy said. Smoke was spotted around 6:40 a.m., and by 9 a.m. the ship had slipped below the surface.

It’s the first unintentional sinking of a New Zealand naval vessel since the Second World War, authorities said, as they opened a court of inquiry into what happened.

Local businesses and conservationists now fear the potential environmental impact of the accident, which occurred in waters off Samoa’s most populated island.

New Zealand Defense Minister Judith Collins told Newstalk ZB that authorities’ first priority was assessing the depth of the vessel and the risk of a spill.

“It’s got a lot of oil on board. …. It’s got lubricating oil, hydro oil, diesel, urea. It’s got a lot of stuff in it. And I don’t think we can just sort of leave it like that,” she said.

Divers were sent to the scene on Sunday night, she said. “They’ll be having a look to see what they can, but it’s going to be quite a big job,” she added.

Acting Samoan Prime Minister Tuala Tevaga Iosefo Ponifasio said in a press statement Sunday that an oil spill was highly probable.

“The HMNZS Manawanui is not recoverable and has sunk into the ocean,” he said.

A reef emergency

Samoan police received a distress call just before 7 p.m. on Saturday night, according to local authorities. Small boats were dispatched with the warning that the ship was taking on water and its crew would likely need evacuating.

Numerous vessels and aircraft were sent to help, including a Royal New Zealand Air Force P-8A Poseidon and C-130J aircraft, the New Zealand navy said.

By 5 a.m. Sunday, all 75 passengers and crew had been rescued, but witnesses said they soon saw smoke rising from the sinking wreck.

“It took 15 minutes for the boat to be fully ablaze and then sink,” he said, adding that local villagers left a Sunday church service to watch the ship.

“They were visibly upset and concerned for their beach, reef, marine reserve and income as fishermen,” Poole said.

New Zealand Prime Minister Chris Luxon said that “environmental spill kits” had been sent from New Zealand to help mitigate and minimize the effects.

The HMNZS Manawanui was a relatively new addition to the New Zealand navy, having been purchased in 2018 for around $100 million NZD ($61 million), though it was built in the early 2000s.

According to the navy, the ship was designed to “survey harbours and approaches prior to larger support ships landing support equipment and personnel whether for combat or disaster relief.”

Africa is home to the world’s largest free trade agreement, in terms of number of countries, territory, and population – the African Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA). Fifty-four of 55 African Union member countries have signed up to the deal which covers a market of 1.3 billion people and a combined GDP of $3.4 trillion.

It aims to boost economic growth, intra-African trade and investment across the continent, but although it was established in February 2020, implementing the agreement has been slow.

According to the Economic Commision for Africa, African countries continue to trade with the rest of the world more than among themselves. Inadequate infrastructure, a lack of finance, and weak governance are often to blame.

The following interview has been edited for clarity and length.

Eleni Giokos: When you took on the job as Secretary General, did you think it was going to be this intense to create so many different standards across the continent, and what was the most challenging aspect of putting this all together?

Wamkele Mene: I don’t think anybody would’ve imagined how challenging and enormous the task is. One of the reasons it’s challenging and will continue to be challenging for a long time is because we are a very, very fragmented market. We have 47 state parties to the agreement establishing the AfCFTA. Hopefully the remaining few countries will ratify soon. Within those 47, we have 42 currencies. We have countries that have a GDP per capita of $110, and then at the (other) end of that spectrum, a GDP per capita of $25,000. We have the least developed countries, we have landlocked countries, we have countries that are at variance from a macroeconomic policy standpoint. So, when you try to integrate and create a single market, economic integration is incredibly difficult.

EG: How has AfCFTA evolved since it came to inception, since it’s been launched on the continent?

WM: We were established in the middle of Covid-19 in February 2020. The following month, March 2020, is when the entire continent of Africa shut down – closure of borders, closure of airports, everything that is an instrument for trade was shut down. For the first six to nine months of the year, it was extremely difficult to get anything done.

Now, we have concluded all the protocols of the agreement – in other words, the legal construct – including very difficult areas such as digital trade; rules of origin of local content for textiles and clothing, for the automotive sector; creating a dispute settlement mechanism for an entire continent of 47 countries trading under the AfCFTA. All these rules are the nuts and bolts of trade, and I am very happy that we are now in transition from negotiating the rules to implementing the rules.

EG: In 2022, seven countries chose to pilot the African Continental Free Trade Area. How is that going, how is that being adopted, are you seeing the actual implementation?

WM: In 2022, seven countries were ready. By readiness, we mean they introduced the customs systems, they gazetted the AfCFTA into their national law. This October (there) will be 37, which means that 37 countries are at a state of readiness and are trading under the rules and the preferences.

EG: A lot of people in the private sector say they don’t really feel the impact of the African Continental Free Trade Area. They don’t, frankly, think it’s working. What do you say to that?

WM: We are integrating a market of 47 countries. The private sector is, as I always say, a co-pillar and a co-driver of market integration on the continent because it’s the private sector that trades. What I would say to them is this: we are overcoming 60 years of market fragmentation. It’s not going to happen overnight. And we know this from the experience of the European Union, which is arguably the most successful market integration model in the world today. It is (31) years since the establishment of the European Union, and yet it still continues to have challenges.

EG: Here’s one of the most controversial issues. Aliko Dangote has been talking about the fact that he needs 35 visas to travel across the African continent. If the richest man in Africa can’t get around easily, who can? How does this hinder people doing business cross-border?

WM: It’s a significant barrier and constraint to intra-Africa trade and intra-Africa investment. There are only four countries that to date have ratified the African Union’s protocol on movement of persons – only four countries. There is an emotional instinct against allowing movement of persons in some countries. In some countries there are legitimate national security concerns. So, we have to work hard to make sure that we convince countries about the importance of moving in the same direction on free movement of persons whilst at the same time addressing the national security concerns that those individual countries have.

EG: Can we even be having this conversation on integration if we don’t actually focus on infrastructure that links the continent up? 

WM: More needs to be done to enable the continent of Africa to have the infrastructure that we need so that these goods can transit through borders seamlessly, efficiently, based on the rules that we have agreed to. So, we look forward to the operationalization of the Lobito corridor (a railway project that links link Angola, Zambia, and the Democratic Republic of Congo). All of these trade corridors that are embedded on world-class infrastructure will enable our continent to take drastic steps in boosting intra-Africa trade.

It’s not just about the trade rules, it’s about establishing the supply chain networks, the transport and logistics infrastructure that will support trade.

EG: It’s five years from now: What kind of conversation do you hope to be having with me about where we are?

WM: I think that what I’ve learned over the last four years in this position is that you have to be extremely patient. If in five years time we can demonstrate that we have moved intra-Africa trade from let’s say 15% to 25% or 30%, that will be a very important step forward.

I think we can double intra-Africa trade in the next five years, provided we introduce the tools that are required. So in other words, payment, ensuring that there is ease of access to intra-Africa payments; ensuring at the very minimum (there is) trade supporting infrastructure, particularly in the trade corridors (between) Central Africa, Eastern Africa, Northern Africa; and then third, we combine all of that with the political will and the rules that have been negotiated to create the single market. I believe that we’re going to get there.

In 2018, many (people) around the world, including on the continent of Africa, were saying that these Africans will negotiate forever and that the AfCFTA shall never be signed. And then of course, the AfCFTA was signed in Rwanda in 2018. Then they said it’ll never be ratified, and a year later the agreement was ratified – now 47 countries have ratified it. Now they’re saying that it shall not be implemented. In October, 37 countries will demonstrate implementation when they showcase the goods and the certificates of origin that they are trading in. At every milestone, there’s a new goal post for us to meet.

It is “absolutely impossible” for Communist China to become Taiwan’s motherland because the island’s government is older, Taiwan’s president has said in a carefully timed speech that underscores the intense historical rivalry between the two.

Lai Ching-te, who took office in May, has long faced Beijing’s wrath for championing Taiwan’s sovereignty and rejecting the Chinese Communist Party (CCP)’s claims over the island.

Despite having never controlled Taiwan, China’s ruling Communist Party has vowed to “reunify” with the self-governing democracy, by force if necessary. But many people on the island view themselves as distinctly Taiwanese and have no desire to be part of the People’s Republic of China.

On Saturday, in a move likely to further infuriate Beijing, Lai dug into history to make his point, stressing that Taiwan is already a “sovereign and independent country” called the Republic of China (ROC), whose government ruled mainland China for decades before relocating to Taiwan when the CCP came to power.

The ROC was founded in 1912 after a Nationalist revolution overthrew China’s last imperial dynasty, the Qing. At the time, Taiwan was a Japanese colony, ceded by the Qing dynasty after it lost a war to Imperial Japan nearly two decades earlier.

The ROC later took control of Taiwan in 1945, following Japan’s defeat in World War II. Four years later, its Nationalist government then fled to the island after losing a civil war against Mao Zedong’s Communist forces, moving the seat of the ROC from the mainland to Taipei.

In Beijing, the CCP took power and founded the People’s Republic of China (PRC) on October 1, 1949. Since then, the two sides have been ruled by separate governments.

Successive Chinese leaders have vowed to one day take control of Taiwan. But Xi Jinping, China’s most assertive leader in decades, has ramped up rhetoric and aggression against the democratic island – fueling tension across the strait and raising concerns for a military confrontation.

Speaking at a concert ahead of Taiwan’s national day on October 10, Lai noted the two governments’ different political roots, delivering a lesson in comparative history.

“Recently, our neighbor, the People’s Republic of China, just celebrated its 75th birthday on October 1. In a few days, the Republic of China will celebrate its 113th birthday,” Lai said, receiving to a round of applause from crowds in a stadium in Taipei.

“Therefore, in terms of age, it is absolutely impossible for the People’s Republic of China to become the motherland of the people of the Republic of China. On the contrary, the Republic of China may actually be the motherland of citizens of the People’s Republic of China who are over 75 years old.”

Monday is the last day of China’s week-long national day holiday and the Chinese government has not responded to Lai’s remarks.

But his comments have already drawn criticism from politicians in Taiwan’s largest opposition party, the Kuomintang (KMT), which has long accused Lai’s ruling Democratic Progressive Party of needlessly stoking tensions with China.

“President Lai has deliberately mentioned ‘People’s Republic of China’ and his ‘motherland theory’ to incite political confrontation on both sides of the Taiwan Strait,” Ling Tao, a city councillor from the KMT, wrote in a post on Facebook.

The KMT are the political successors of the Nationalists who fled to Taiwan, ruled the island under martial law for decades and long harbored ambitions to one day restore the Republic of China on the mainland. They later joined Taiwan’s evolution into a democracy and have made significant ideological transformations, including favoring closer ties with Communist China.

Leaders in both Taipei and Beijing have long used their national day addresses to send a message across the Taiwan Strait.

Last week, on the eve of the PRC’s 75th birthday, Xi reiterated his pledge to achieve “reunification” with Taiwan.

“It’s an irreversible trend, a cause of righteousness and the common aspiration of the people. No one can stop the march of history,” Xi told a state banquet at the Great Hall of the People in Beijing, according to state-run news agency Xinhua.

“Taiwan is China’s sacred territory. Blood is thicker than water, and people on both sides of the strait are connected by blood,” he said, vowing to resolutely oppose “Taiwan independence” separatist activities.

Beijing has labeled Lai a “dangerous separatist,” and tensions have ratcheted up over the last five months since Lai’s inauguration in May, during which he called on China to cease its intimidation of Taiwan.

Lai is expected to give his first national day address as Taiwan’s president on Thursday.

Glance up while strolling through parts of downtown Hong Kong and, chances are, you’ll notice the glassy black lens of a surveillance camera trained on the city’s crowded streets.

And that sight will become more common in the coming years, as the city’s police pursue an ambitious campaign to install thousands of cameras to elevate their surveillance capabilities.

Though it consistently ranks among the world’s safest big cities, police in the Asian financial hub say the new cameras are needed to fight crime – and have raised the possibility of equipping them with powerful facial recognition and artificial intelligence tools.

That’s sparked alarm among some experts who see it as taking Hong Kong one step closer to the pervasive surveillance systems of mainland China, warning of the technology’s repressive potential.

Hong Kong police had previously set a target of installing 2,000 new surveillance cameras this year, and potentially more than that each subsequent year. The force plans to eventually introduce facial recognition to these cameras, security chief Chris Tang told local media in July – adding that police could use AI in the future to track down suspects.

Tang and the Hong Kong police have repeatedly pointed to other jurisdictions, including Western democracies, that also make wide use of surveillance cameras for law enforcement. For instance, Singapore has 90,000 cameras and the United Kingdom has more than seven million, Tang told local newspaper Sing Tao Daily in June.

And, some critics say, what sets Hong Kong apart from other places is its political environment – which has seen an ongoing crackdown on political dissent, as it draws closer to authoritarian mainland China.

Following unprecedented and often violent anti-government protests that rocked the city in 2019, local and central authorities imposed sweeping national security laws that have been used to jail activists, journalists and political opponents, and target civil society groups and outspoken media outlets.

Hong Kong’s leaders have said the laws are needed to restore stability after the protests in the nominally semi-autonomous city, and argue their legislation is similar to other national security laws around the world.

“The difference is how the technology is being used,” said Samantha Hoffman, a nonresident fellow at the National Bureau of Asian Research who has studied China’s use of technology for security and propaganda.

Places like the United States and the UK may have problems with how they implement that technology, too – but “this is fundamentally different… It has to do specifically with the system of government, as well as the way that the party state… uses the law to maintain its own power,” said Hoffman.

What this means for Hong Kong

Hong Kong has more than 54,500 public CCTV cameras used by government bodies – about seven cameras per 1,000 people, according to an estimate by Comparitech, a UK-based technology research firm.

That puts it about on par with New York City and still far behind London (13 per 1,000 people), but nowhere near mainland Chinese cities, which average about 440 cameras per 1,000 people.

Fears of mainland-style surveillance and policing caused notable angst during the 2019 protests, which broadened to encompass many Hong Kongers’ fears that the central Chinese government would encroach on the city’s limited autonomy.

Protesters on the streets covered their faces with masks and goggles to prevent identification, at times smashing or covering security cameras. At one point, they tore down a “smart” lamp post, even though Hong Kong authorities said it was only meant to collect data on traffic, weather and pollution.

At the time, activist and student leader Joshua Wong – who is now in prison on charges related to his activism and national security – said, “Can the Hong Kong government ensure that they will never install facial recognition tactics into the smart lamp post? … They can’t promise it and they won’t because of the pressure from Beijing.”

Across the border, the model of surveillance that protesters feared is ubiquitous – with China often celebrating the various achievements of its real-time facial recognition algorithms, and exporting surveillance technology to countries around the world.

According to an analysis by Comparitec, eight of the top 10 most surveilled cities in the world per capita are in China, where facial recognition is an inescapable part of daily life – from the facial scans required to register a new phone number, to facial recognition gates in some subway stations.

During the Covid-19 pandemic, the government mandated a QR “health code” to track people’s health status, which in some places required facial scans.

But the technology has also been used in more repressive ways.

In the far-western region of Xinjiang, Beijing has used cameras to monitor members of the Muslim-majority Uyghur population. And when unprecedented nationwide protests broke out in late 2022 against the government’s strict Covid policies, police used facial recognition along with other sophisticated surveillance tools to track down protesters, The New York Times found.

“(China’s) public security surveillance systems … tend to track lists of particular people, maybe people with a history of mental illness or participation in protests, and make a note of people who are marked as being troublesome in some way,” Hoffman said.

The systems then “track those specific people across the city and across its surveillance network.”

“I think it’s fair to anticipate that the use of CCTV and facial recognition technology in Hong Kong will begin to look a lot like those in mainland China over time,” she said.

Hong Kong police have argued the cameras help fight crime, pointing to a pilot program earlier this year of 15 cameras installed in one district. Already, those cameras have provided evidence and clues for at least six crimes, Tang told Sing Tao Daily – and police will prioritize high-risk or high-crime areas for the remaining cameras.

The first five months of this year saw 3% more crimes than the same period last year, Sing Tao reported.

When considering AI-equipped cameras, “the police will definitely comply with relevant laws,” the force added.

Steve Tsang, director of the SOAS China Institute at the University of London, warned that the new cameras could be “used for political repression” if they are employed under the “draconian” national security law.

Unless authorities assure the public that the cameras won’t be used for that purpose, “this is likely to be a further step in making Hong Kong law enforcement closer to how it is done on the Chinese mainland,” he said.

How to regulate facial recognition

Other experts argued it’s far too soon to say what the impact will be in Hong Kong, since authorities have not laid out in detail how they would use the technology.

“Hong Kong law doesn’t, in all measures, mirror what happens in mainland China,” said Normann Witzleb, an associate professor in data protection and privacy at the Chinese University of Hong Kong,

But that’s why it’s all the more important for authorities to address a raft of yet-unanswered questions, he said.

For instance, it remains unclear whether Hong Kong will deploy live facial recognition that constantly scans the environment, or whether the tech will only be applied to past footage when certain crimes occur or when legal authorization is granted.

Witzleb also raised the question of who would have the power to authorize the use of facial recognition, and what situations may warrant it. Would it be used to prosecute crime and locate suspects, for example – or for other public safety measures like identifying missing people?

And, Witzleb added, will police run the technology through their existing image databases, or use it more broadly with images held by other public authorities, or even publicly available imagery of anyone?

“It’s important to design guidelines for those systems that take proper recognition of the potential benefits that they have, but that also acknowledge they’re not foolproof, and that they have the potential to interfere with (people’s) rights in serious ways,” Witzleb said.

Regardless of how facial recognition might be used, both Hoffman and Witzleb said the presence of that technology and the increased number of security cameras may make Hong Kongers feel less free under the ever-watchful eye of the police.

“When you feel like you’re being monitored, that affects your behavior and your feelings of freedom as well,” Hoffman said. “I think that there’s an element of state coercion that doesn’t need to have to do with the effectiveness of the technology itself.”

Scorch marks and bullet holes scar the battered walls of the Haran family home in kibbutz Be’eri. Its tiled roof has caved in, windows smashed, littering the floors with sharp shards of terracotta and glass – the debris, still untouched, of a day of horror for Israel.

“This house tells the story of Be’eri,” says Yarden Tzemach, a farmer and surviving resident of the kibbutz, one of the Israeli communities near Gaza that was overrun by Hamas militants last year.

“In this house, people were murdered. A family, including three children, were kidnapped from here,” he says.

Outside, beneath the fruit trees in the back yard, a toddler’s ride-on toy car, adorned with stickers of Winnie the Pooh, sits amid the rubble, a stark reminder of the lives shattered here.

In some neighborhoods of Be’eri, barely a building was left intact. More than 100 of its 1,100 residents were killed and another 30 abducted to Gaza on October 7.

Home after home was burned out or reduced to rubble and – a year on – many remain as poignant monuments to an ongoing trauma. At least 10 residents of the kibbutz, all friends and neighbors of each other, are among the more than 100 Israelis believed to still be held hostage.

Progress on a ceasefire and hostage deal between Israel and Hamas has repeatedly fallen apart to the anger and despair of hostage families.

‘Best recovery is coming home

In the main administration building of Be’eri, two large aerial photographs hang side by side near the entrance. One is an image of the kibbutz from April 2023, showing ordered rows of neat, white buildings set in lush gardens. The other, taken just after the October 7 attack, shows the same homes blackened and destroyed in the militants’ rampage.

“They killed my sister over there,” says Amit Solvy, pointing to a house on the map, five rows in from the fence that runs around the kibbutz.

Elsewhere in the administration building, two posters are taped in a window – one showing the names and faces of the kibbutz residents who were killed, and another listing those who are held hostage.

Solvy, the Be’eri finance chairman, himself an Israeli veteran of the 1973 Arab-Israeli War, is one of nearly 100 residents to have so far returned. Despite his personal loss, he came back to his house three months ago and is now helping lead efforts to bring kibbutz Be’eri, formerly a self-sustaining farming community, back to life.

“I said to all the people that the best recovery is coming home. This is the best emotional recovery, in my opinion,” says Solvy.

But he acknowledges not everyone feels the same, estimating that up to 15% of the surviving residents of Be’eri may never return because of the trauma and the memories of October 7.

And many of those who want to come back, he says, are unable to do so until the extensive damage has been repaired and homes rebuilt – a massive renovation project that means it will be at least 2 years, according to Solvy, before the majority of residents can return home.

“There is no infrastructure for kids, there are no schools, so people with families cannot come back yet,” he explains.

‘There were terrorists in my house’

Work on the physical scars has already begun, with heavy machinery breaking ground on a new neighborhood of Be’eri. New homes, untouched by the October 7 attack, are seen as an essential means of attracting the majority of the residents back.

Ayelet Hakim, her husband and their son, 12, and daughter, 5, live alongside many other Be’eri survivors in government-supplied temporary housing in another kibbutz, Hatzerim, an hour’s drive from the horrifying memories of what was their home.

“I sat in my safe room there for hours and hours not knowing what was going on, and feeling my life being threatened, my kid’s life being threatened, because there were terrorists in my house,” she adds.

Her son, Yehonatan, interrupts. “I want to go back to Be’eri, back to the house that I was living in. I don’t care about the trauma,” he pleads.

“The house, no. The kibbutz, yes,” asserts Ayelet.

“Kibbutz Be’eri has been my home for the past 56 years. That’s where I want to live,” she says.

But after so much death and destruction in Be’eri, a community so close to Gaza, much must also be done to reassure residents they’ll be safe.

In July, an Israel Defense Forces internal investigation into the events of October 7 concluded that the Israeli military had “failed in its mission to protect the residents” and was ill-prepared for the mass Hamas attack.

“I believe it will be possible. But it will be a big challenge and will take a long time for people to feel as safe as they felt before October 7,” says Tzemach, back at the ruins of his Be’eri neighborhood.

“You know, once something happens, you always have in the back of your mind that it can happen again.”